If the current political narrative pits Donald Trump’s “real Americans” against the “global elites,” in the waning days of the 20th century it was just the reverse. Organized opposition to global “free trade” agreements was overwhelmingly a province of the left (though with a diverse sprinkling of various small-scale traditionalists). Anti-globalization protesters suffered intense police repression and were treated as misfits, oddballs or at best an inscrutable coalition of disparate groups — although polls showed they enjoyed public support. If that earlier, pro-democracy anti-globalist movement had been listened to and engaged with by elites, we might not be facing the kind of much darker anti-globalist backlash we’re seeing today.
Exhibit A was the legendary Battle in Seattle, during which 30,000 to 50,000 protesters shut down the World Trade Organization meeting in Seattle from Nov. 30 through Dec. 3, 1999. While a wide range of different organizations were involved — more than 300 overall — spearheaded by the Direct Action Network, the signature convergence was that of “Teamsters and turtles,” as the alliance of labor and environmental activists dubbed itself. DAN’s message was simple:
We are planning a large-scale, well-organized, high-visibility action to SHUT DOWN the World Trade Organization on Tuesday, November 30. The World Trade Organization has no right to make undemocratic, unaccountable, destructive decisions about our lives, our communities, and the earth. We will nonviolently and creatively block them from meeting.
That’s exactly what they did — with an added twist from the out-of-control police response that generated massive chaos and a welter of false and misleading narratives.
There were solidarity actions across the globe, with thousands of participants in the Narmada Valley and in Karnataka in India, in the Philippines, Portugal, Pakistan, Turkey, Korea, Canada, other American cities and elsewhere. In France, 75,000 people marched in 80 different French cities. It was, in short, a global anti-globalist movement — a movement on behalf of bottom-up democratic self-determination, for all people everywhere.
Major protests mounted by that movement in the next several months included the A16 demonstrations against the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund in Washington in April of 2000, two protests in Canada in June (against the Organization of American States in Windsor, Ontario, and the World Petroleum Congress in Calgary), the R2K protests at the Republican National Convention in Philadelphia from July 31 to Aug. 3, and the D2K protests at the Democratic National Convention in Los Angeles from Aug. 14 to 17 — the last two in conjunction with a broader array of groups typically involved in domestic issue protests. Each case saw an evolving pattern of police repression and violence, justified and supported by misleading elite media coverage.
As I noted in a long-form overview at the time, tactics used included:
- widespread police brutality
- mass false arrest
- brutal treatment after arrest
- broad zones — up to 50 city blocks — declared off-limits for free speech
- literature and political artwork confiscated and destroyed
- police raids against organizing centers to intimidate participants, confiscate property, and shut down operations
- personal property stolen and destroyed
- peaceful protests deliberately misrepresented as violence or terrorism in order to discredit them and discourage others from participating
- false claims misrepresenting innocent objects as weapons or bombs
- harassment and intimidation of activists during pre-demonstration organizing
- detention, jailing and/or deportation of targeted individual activists while engaged in no overt political action
- charging extraordinarily high bail — up to $ 1,000,000 for seven misdemeanors for one organizer, Ruckus Society executive director John Sellars in Philadelphia
- filing absurd charges — in Philadelphia, more than 70 people arrested inside a puppet-making warehouse space were charged with obstructing traffic.
- using sealed indictments to hide this dirty war on the Constitution from public view
All these things actually happened. They were not the stuff of Alex Jones-style fantasies. They were documented at the time by independent journalists, as well as local reporters, ACLU lawyers and others. They informed a major lawsuit and sweeping police practices reform Washington, and even led to an apology by Seattle police chief Norm Stamper in his book “Breaking Rank: A Top Cop’s Exposé of the Dark Side of American Policing.”
Despite all the repression and bad press, there was far more sympathy with the goals expressed than elites were prepared to admit. In Monthly Review, economist William K. Tabb observed:
It is clear that the demonstrators have the support of mainstream, working-class Americans. Perhaps the most interesting post-Seattle commentary is the Harris Poll, which confirms what other surveys have shown: that a majority of Americans (52 percent in the poll) were sympathetic to the concerns of the demonstrators. “Echoing the anti-business themes that ran through the sound bites and across the banners there, the BW-Harris poll also found that most Americans believe that business now has too much power.” While Business Week claimed it “a puzzling anomaly” that, in the greatest period of wealth creation in U.S. history, so many people could be “living in another era,” it also quoted a Princeton economist who pointed out that “[i]n the real world, people are still living from paycheck to paycheck” and “[t]he tremendous wealth creation has by and large gone to the people at the top.”
This should not have come as news. The dangers of neoliberal globalization and its unanticipated consequences had been noted by two top Business Week authors, chief economist Bill Wolman and Anne Colamosca in their 1997 book, “The Judas Economy: The Triumph of Capital and the Betrayal of Work,” which warned that globalization’s pernicious effects on blue-collar workers was inevitably starting to impact white-collar workers as well.
That same year, in “Has Globalization Gone Too Far?,” economist Dani Rodrik argued that the growing fissure between globalization’s winners and losers threatened the winners as well, writing that “social disintegration is not a spectator sport ― those on the sidelines also get splashed with mud from the field. Ultimately, the deepening of social fissures can harm all.”
Two years before that, in the bestseller, “Jihad vs. McWorld: How Globalism and Tribalism Are Reshaping the World,” Benjamin Barber made a similar argument in a higher octave: Unfettered neoliberal globalization feeds into its extreme opposite in tribal forms of ethno-nationalism and religious fundamentalism. These weren’t the only warning voices. That’s just a prominent sample to show that outsider critics weren’t the only ones raising serious concerns. Yet the warnings were still overwhelmingly ignored.
Everything about that earlier anti-globalist movement was strikingly at odds with the anti-globalism of today — except for the difficulty the elite media had in comprehending them, which was similar, but far more profound. There were no deep-pocket oligarchs behind the anti-globalization movement of 2000, for one thing; it was profoundly democratic, based on open, consensus-based decision making. And it was aligned with oppressed people around the world, rather than demonizing them.
It was also intensely issue-focused and reality-based, rather than relying on fantasies, fake news and conspiracy theories. It was rooted in decades of previous protests. There were hundreds of “IMF riots” against austerity in dozens of countries across the global South, beginning in 1976. And there was counter-organizing in the developed world highlighted via “The Other Economic Summit,” first organized to counter the 1984 G7 meeting in London — on the basis of which protesters challenged a wide range of specific policies and practices.
Not only were the protesters well-informed, they created their own media, centered around the online Indymedia platform, involving hundreds, even thousands of audio and video correspondents and documentarians, as well as print and online reporters. (At the DNC in August alone, more than 1,000 independent media producers registered with Indymedia’s parent group, meaning they actually outnumbered the officially credentialed media.) Protesters also created or participated in highly informed counter-events, continuing the tradition of “The Other Economic Summit.” At the RNC and DNC, they took part in “shadow conventions” organized by Arianna Huffington, which brought them into contact with a broad array of people dissatisfied with the dominant political options of the time.
Source: Salon: in-depth news, politics, business, technology & culture > Politics
comments powered by HyperComments